…
The same noble principle may be also encouraged by erecting
an Academy of ingenious men, whose employment it would be to compile the
history of Great Britain, to make discourses proper to inspire men with zeal
for the public, and celebrate the memory of those who have been ornaments to
the nation, or done it eminent service. Not to mention that this would improve
our language, and amuse some busy spirits of the age; which perhaps would be no
ill policy.
This is not without example; for, to say nothing of the French Academy ,
which is prostituted to meaner purposes, it hath been the custom of the
Venetian Senate to appoint one of their order to continue the history of the
Republic. This was introduced in the flourishing state of that people, and is
still in force. We fall short of other nations in the number of good
historians, though no nation in Christendom hath produced greater events, or
more worthy to be recorded. The Athenian Senate appointed orators to
commemorate annually those who died in defence of their country, which
solemnity was performed at their monuments erected in honour of them by public;
and the panegyrics, composed by Isocrates and Pericles, as well as many
passages in Tully, inform us with a pleasure the ancient orators used to
expatiate in praise of their country.
I am well aware, that to talk in public spirit, and the
means of retrieving it, must, to narrow sordid minds, be matter of jest and
ridicule, how conformable soever it be to right reason, and the maxims of
antiquity. Though one would think the most selfish men might see it was their
interest to encourage a spirit of others, by which they, to be sure, must be
gainers. Yet such is the corruption and folly of the present age that the
public spirit is treated like ignorance of the world and want of sense; and all
the respect is paid to cunning men, who bend and wrest the public interest to
their own private ends, that in other times hath been thought due to those who
were generous enough to sacrifice their private interest to that of their
country.
Such practices and such maxims as these must necessarily
ruin a state. But if the contrary should prevail, we may hope to see men in
power to prefer the public wealth and security to their own, and men of money
make free gifts, or lend it without interest to their country. This, how
strange and incredible soever it may seem to us, hath been often done in other
States. And the natural English temper considered, together with the force of
example, no one can tell how far a proposal for a free gift may go among the
monied men, when set on foot by the legislature, and encouraged by two or three
men of figure, who have the spirit to do generous thing, and the understanding
to see it is every private men’s interest to support that of the public.
If they who have their fortunes in money should make a
voluntary gift, the public would be eased, and at the same time maintain its
credit. Nor is a generous love of their country the only motive that should induce
them to this. Common equity requires that all subjects should equally share the
public burden; and common sense shows that those who are foremost in danger
should not be the most backward in contributing to prevent it.
Before I leave this subject, I cannot but take a notice of
that most infamous practice of Bribery, than which nothing can be more opposite
to public spirit, since every one who takes a bribe plainly owns that the he
prefers his private interest to that of his country. This corruption is become
a national crime, having infected the lowest as well as the highest amongst us,
and is so general and notorious, that as it cannot be matched in former ages,
so it is to be hoped it will not be imitated by posterity.
This calls to mind another guilt, which possess in a very
eminent degree; there being no nation under the sun where solemn Perjury is so
common, or where there are such temptations to it. The making men swear so
often in their own case, and where they have an interest to conceal the truth,
hath gradually worn off that awful respect which was once thought due to an
appeal to Almighty God; insomuch, that men now-a-days break their fast and
custom-house oath with the same peace of mind. It is a policy peculiar to us,
the obliging men to perjure or betray themselves, and hath had no one good
effect, but very ill ones. Sure I am that other nations, without the hundredth
part of our swearing, contrive to do their business al least as well as we do.
And perhaps our legislature will think to proper to follow their example. For,
whatever measures are taken, so long as we lie under such a load of guilt as
national Perjury and national Bribery, it is impossible we can prosper.
This poor nation hath sorely smarted of late, and to ease
the present smart, a sudden remedy (as is usual in such cases) hath been
thought of. But we must beware not to mistake an anodyne for a cure. Where the
vitals are touched, and the whole mass of humours vitiated, it is not enough to
ease the part pained; we must look further and apply general correctives;
otherwise the ill humour may soon show itself in some other part.
The South-sea affair, how sensible soever, is not the
original evil, or the great source of our misfortunes; it is but a natural
effect of those principles which for many years have been propagated with the
great industry. And, as a sharp distemper, by reclaiming a man from
intemperance, may prolong his life, so it is not impossible but this public
calamity that lies so heavy on the nation may prevent its ruin. It would
certainly prove the greatest of blessings, if it should make all honest men of
one party; if it should put religion and virtue in countenance, restore a sense
of public spirit, and convince men it is a dangerous folly to pursue private
aims in opposition to the good of the country; if it should turn out thought
from cozenage and stock-jobbing to industry and frugal methods of life; in
fine, if it should revive and inflame the native spark of British worth and
honour, which hath too long lain smothered and oppressed.
With this view I have, among so many projects for remedying
ill state of our affairs in a particular instance, ventured to publish the
foreign hints, which as they have been thrown together from a zeal for the
public good, so I heartily wish they may be regarded neither more nor less than
as they are fitted to promote that end.
Though it must be owned that little can be hoped if we
consider the corrupt degenerate age we live in. I know it is an old folly to
make peevish complaints of the times, and charge the common failures of human
nature on a particular age. One may nevertheless venture to affirm that the
present hath brought forth new and portentous villainies, not to be paralleled
in our own or any other history. We have been long preparing for some great
catastrophe. Vice and villainy have by degrees grown reputable among us; our
infidels have passed for fine gentlemen, and our venal traitors for men of
sense who knew the world. We have made a jest of public spirit, and cancelled all
respect for whatever our laws and religion repute sacred. The old English
modesty is quite worn off, and instead of blushing for our crimes, we are
ashamed only of piety and virtue. In short, other nations have been wicked, but
we are the first who have been wicked upon principle.
The truth is, our symptoms are so bad that, notwithstanding
all the care and vigilance of the legislature, it is to be feared that the
final period of our State approaches. Strong constitutions, whether public or
natural, do not feel light disorders. But when they are sensibly affected, the
distemper is for the most part violent and of an ill prognostic. Free
governments like our were planted by Goths in most parts of Europe; and, though
we all know what they are come to, yet we seem disposed rather to follow their
example than to profit by it.
Whether it be in the order of things, that civil States should have, like
natural products, their several periods of growth, perfection and decay; or
whether it be an effect, as seems more probable, of human folly that, as
industry produces wealth, so wealth should produce vice, and vice - ruin.
God grant the time be not near when men shall say:
“This island was once inhabited by religious, brave, sincere
people, of plain uncorrupt manners, respecting inbred worth rather than titles
and appearances, assertors of liberty, lovers of their country jealous of their
own rights, and unwilling to infringe the rights of others; improvers of
learning and useful arts, enemies to luxury, tender of other men’s lives, and
prodigal of their own; inferior in nothing to the old Greeks and Romans, and
superior to each of those people in the perfections of the other. Such were our
ancestors during their rise and greatness; but they degenerated, grew servile flatters
of men in power, adopted Epicurean notions, became venal, corrupt, injurious,
which drew upon them the hatred of God and man, and occasioned their final
ruin.”
(Stanford
University Library)
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