Thursday, June 22, 2017

ЏОРЏ БЕРКЛИ: Есеј за превенцијата од уривањето на Велика Британија


The same noble principle may be also encouraged by erecting an Academy of ingenious men, whose employment it would be to compile the history of Great Britain, to make discourses proper to inspire men with zeal for the public, and celebrate the memory of those who have been ornaments to the nation, or done it eminent service. Not to mention that this would improve our language, and amuse some busy spirits of the age; which perhaps would be no ill policy.
This is not without example; for, to say nothing of the French Academy, which is prostituted to meaner purposes, it hath been the custom of the Venetian Senate to appoint one of their order to continue the history of the Republic. This was introduced in the flourishing state of that people, and is still in force. We fall short of other nations in the number of good historians, though no nation in Christendom hath produced greater events, or more worthy to be recorded. The Athenian Senate appointed orators to commemorate annually those who died in defence of their country, which solemnity was performed at their monuments erected in honour of them by public; and the panegyrics, composed by Isocrates and Pericles, as well as many passages in Tully, inform us with a pleasure the ancient orators used to expatiate in praise of their country.
Concord and union among ourselves is rather to be hoped for us an effect in public spirit that proposed as a means to promote it. Candid, generous men, who are true lovers of their country, can never be enemies to one half of their countrymen, or carry their resentments so far as to ruin the public for the sake of a party. Now I have fallen upon the mention of our parties, I shall beg leave to insert remark or two, for the service both of Whig and Tory, without entering into their respective merits. First, it is impossible for either party to ruin the other without involving themselves and their posterity in the same ruin. Secondly, it is very feasible for either party to get the better of the other if they could first get the better for themselves; and, instead of indulging the little womanish passions of obstinacy, resentment and revenge, steadily promote the true interest of their country, in those great clear points of piety, industry, sobriety of manners, and an honest regard for posterity, which, all men of sense agree, are essential to public happiness. There would be something so great and good in this conduct as must necessarily overbear all calumny and opposition. But that men should act reasonably is rather to be wished than hoped.
I am well aware, that to talk in public spirit, and the means of retrieving it, must, to narrow sordid minds, be matter of jest and ridicule, how conformable soever it be to right reason, and the maxims of antiquity. Though one would think the most selfish men might see it was their interest to encourage a spirit of others, by which they, to be sure, must be gainers. Yet such is the corruption and folly of the present age that the public spirit is treated like ignorance of the world and want of sense; and all the respect is paid to cunning men, who bend and wrest the public interest to their own private ends, that in other times hath been thought due to those who were generous enough to sacrifice their private interest to that of their country.
Such practices and such maxims as these must necessarily ruin a state. But if the contrary should prevail, we may hope to see men in power to prefer the public wealth and security to their own, and men of money make free gifts, or lend it without interest to their country. This, how strange and incredible soever it may seem to us, hath been often done in other States. And the natural English temper considered, together with the force of example, no one can tell how far a proposal for a free gift may go among the monied men, when set on foot by the legislature, and encouraged by two or three men of figure, who have the spirit to do generous thing, and the understanding to see it is every private men’s interest to support that of the public.
If they who have their fortunes in money should make a voluntary gift, the public would be eased, and at the same time maintain its credit. Nor is a generous love of their country the only motive that should induce them to this. Common equity requires that all subjects should equally share the public burden; and common sense shows that those who are foremost in danger should not be the most backward in contributing to prevent it.
Before I leave this subject, I cannot but take a notice of that most infamous practice of Bribery, than which nothing can be more opposite to public spirit, since every one who takes a bribe plainly owns that the he prefers his private interest to that of his country. This corruption is become a national crime, having infected the lowest as well as the highest amongst us, and is so general and notorious, that as it cannot be matched in former ages, so it is to be hoped it will not be imitated by posterity.
This calls to mind another guilt, which possess in a very eminent degree; there being no nation under the sun where solemn Perjury is so common, or where there are such temptations to it. The making men swear so often in their own case, and where they have an interest to conceal the truth, hath gradually worn off that awful respect which was once thought due to an appeal to Almighty God; insomuch, that men now-a-days break their fast and custom-house oath with the same peace of mind. It is a policy peculiar to us, the obliging men to perjure or betray themselves, and hath had no one good effect, but very ill ones. Sure I am that other nations, without the hundredth part of our swearing, contrive to do their business al least as well as we do. And perhaps our legislature will think to proper to follow their example. For, whatever measures are taken, so long as we lie under such a load of guilt as national Perjury and national Bribery, it is impossible we can prosper.
This poor nation hath sorely smarted of late, and to ease the present smart, a sudden remedy (as is usual in such cases) hath been thought of. But we must beware not to mistake an anodyne for a cure. Where the vitals are touched, and the whole mass of humours vitiated, it is not enough to ease the part pained; we must look further and apply general correctives; otherwise the ill humour may soon show itself in some other part.
The South-sea affair, how sensible soever, is not the original evil, or the great source of our misfortunes; it is but a natural effect of those principles which for many years have been propagated with the great industry. And, as a sharp distemper, by reclaiming a man from intemperance, may prolong his life, so it is not impossible but this public calamity that lies so heavy on the nation may prevent its ruin. It would certainly prove the greatest of blessings, if it should make all honest men of one party; if it should put religion and virtue in countenance, restore a sense of public spirit, and convince men it is a dangerous folly to pursue private aims in opposition to the good of the country; if it should turn out thought from cozenage and stock-jobbing to industry and frugal methods of life; in fine, if it should revive and inflame the native spark of British worth and honour, which hath too long lain smothered and oppressed.
With this view I have, among so many projects for remedying ill state of our affairs in a particular instance, ventured to publish the foreign hints, which as they have been thrown together from a zeal for the public good, so I heartily wish they may be regarded neither more nor less than as they are fitted to promote that end.
Though it must be owned that little can be hoped if we consider the corrupt degenerate age we live in. I know it is an old folly to make peevish complaints of the times, and charge the common failures of human nature on a particular age. One may nevertheless venture to affirm that the present hath brought forth new and portentous villainies, not to be paralleled in our own or any other history. We have been long preparing for some great catastrophe. Vice and villainy have by degrees grown reputable among us; our infidels have passed for fine gentlemen, and our venal traitors for men of sense who knew the world. We have made a jest of public spirit, and cancelled all respect for whatever our laws and religion repute sacred. The old English modesty is quite worn off, and instead of blushing for our crimes, we are ashamed only of piety and virtue. In short, other nations have been wicked, but we are the first who have been wicked upon principle.
The truth is, our symptoms are so bad that, notwithstanding all the care and vigilance of the legislature, it is to be feared that the final period of our State approaches. Strong constitutions, whether public or natural, do not feel light disorders. But when they are sensibly affected, the distemper is for the most part violent and of an ill prognostic. Free governments like our were planted by Goths in most parts of Europe; and, though we all know what they are come to, yet we seem disposed rather to follow their example than to profit by it.
Whether it be in the order  of things, that civil States should have, like natural products, their several periods of growth, perfection and decay; or whether it be an effect, as seems more probable, of human folly that, as industry produces wealth, so wealth should produce vice, and vice - ruin.
God grant the time be not near when men shall say:
“This island was once inhabited by religious, brave, sincere people, of plain uncorrupt manners, respecting inbred worth rather than titles and appearances, assertors of liberty, lovers of their country jealous of their own rights, and unwilling to infringe the rights of others; improvers of learning and useful arts, enemies to luxury, tender of other men’s lives, and prodigal of their own; inferior in nothing to the old Greeks and Romans, and superior to each of those people in the perfections of the other. Such were our ancestors during their rise and greatness; but they degenerated, grew servile flatters of men in power, adopted Epicurean notions, became venal, corrupt, injurious, which drew upon them the hatred of God and man, and occasioned their final ruin.”
1721 


(Stanford University Library)

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